Study Points

Providing Culturally Responsive Care to Asian Immigrants

Course #91942 - $40 • 10 Hours/Credits

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  1. Which of the following is NOT a reason culturally competent practice is needed in the helping professions?

    ETHNIC MINORITY POPULATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES

    The U.S. Census Bureau projects that the non-Hispanic white population in the United States will decline from 198 million in 2014 to 182 million in 2060 [125]. This 182 million will represent 43% of the total population, making the United States a majority-minority country [125].

    Hawaii, New Mexico, California, the District of Columbia, and Texas are regions in the United States that already consist of a "majority-minority," meaning that more than half of the areas' populations consist of individuals who are an ethnicity other than non-Hispanic white [189]. By 2060, it is expected that there will be 119 million Hispanics in the U.S. population; by that same year, African or black Americans will comprise 18.4% of the U.S. population [10,11]. By 2065, Asians will be the largest immigrant group (38% of new immigrants) in the United States, surpassing Hispanic immigrants (31%) [12].

    These data, in part, argue for the need for culturally competent practices. Betancourt et al. identified three other reasons [21]. First, clients and patients often present with problems or symptoms that do not necessarily conform to textbooks; this may, at least in part, be attributed to the presentation and manifestation of symptoms being influenced by cultural and social backgrounds. This may be more pronounced if clients'/patients' ability to communicate their problems is impeded due to limited English proficiency. Second, practitioner-client/patient relationships and communication strongly influence treatment outcome. When communication styles, patterns, and differences are perceived to be irreconcilable, clients/patients are more likely to terminate treatment prematurely. Finally, there has been a concerted movement in the general health and mental health fields to decrease the disparities and inequities in the access and delivery of care and services [21].

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  2. According to Pedersen, the "fourth force" in psychology is

    MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE IN PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL WORK, AND THE COUNSELING FIELDS

    In the field of psychology, three forces, or perspectives, have historically been predominant in explaining human behavior: psychoanalysis (the first force), behaviorism (the second force), and humanism (the third force). Pedersen asserted that there was a fourth force: multiculturalism [139]. As noted, the concept of multiculturalism is based on the belief that culture pervades every aspect of our lives, which makes it a dominant fourth force. Pedersen was not arguing that the other psychological perspectives should be dismissed or that they had outlived their purposes; rather, he asserted that it is important for practitioners to understand and interpret human behavior within a cultural context [139].

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  3. If a professional adopts an etic perspective, it means that he or she

    MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE IN PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL WORK, AND THE COUNSELING FIELDS

    A similar debate occurs in anthropology, which is highly relevant in psychology, counseling, and social work. The discussion centers on the etic and emic perspectives. The term "etic" is derived from the term phonetic, which refers to sounds assumed to be universal across all languages [20]. Therefore, the etic perspective maintains that, along important dimensions, all humans are basically similar. Helping professionals can employ basic fundamental helping skills in order to work effectively with individuals from all cultures. These basic skills transcend cultural diversity [128]. On the other hand, the emic perspective argues that it is vital for professionals to begin from the paradigm that unique cultural characteristics exist in various cultural groups. This emic orientation acknowledges individual differences within culturally different groups while simultaneously viewing clients/patients within the context of their primary cultural group [110]. Therefore, practitioners would intensely study a specific culture and adapt techniques that work with clients/patients from that group. This debate continues.

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  4. What differentiates race from culture?

    OVERVIEW OF KEY CONCEPTS

    Culture is a complex concept, and its common conflation with race and national origin can be confusing [160]. Culture refers to the values and knowledge of groups in a society; it consists of approved behaviors, norms of conduct, and value systems [64,112]. Culture involves attitudes and beliefs that are passed from generation to generation within a group. These patterns include language, religious beliefs, institutions, artistic expressions, ways of thinking, and patterns of social and interpersonal relations [74]. Culture can also represent worldviews, encompassing assumptions and perceptions about the world and how it works [158]. Some have defined culture as "the growth, development, and expressions of a client system's worldview through an interaction with its biopsychosocial and spiritual environments" [160]. Culture helps to elucidate why groups of people act and respond to the environment as they do [84]. Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck proposed five different dimensions that comprise a worldview [97]:

    • Human nature: How individuals view human nature

    • Man and nature: How individuals view themselves in relation to nature

    • Time: How individuals view the past, present, and future

    • Activity: How individuals view "doing" and "being"

    • Relational: How individuals view social relations such as family and other social networks

    Some experts argue it is also necessary to understand epistemological bases of groups' knowledge when defining culture [191]. In other words, it is important to ask: what is knowledge and where is it derived from? For example, some cultural groups' beliefs or knowledge about health and mental health are derived from shamanistic traditions or religious orientations, such as Buddhism or Taoism. This knowledge is therefore rooted in cultural beliefs, which dictate behaviors [191]. Therefore, culture is deeply tied to epistemology.

    Current perspectives note that culture is not static; it is not merely inherited nor are groups of people passive recipients of culture. Rather, "culture and people negotiate and interact, thus transforming and developing each other. It is a process of continuous modification" [35].

    On the other hand, race is linked to biology. Race is partially defined by physical markers such as skin or hair color [94]. It does not refer to cultural institutions or patterns, but it is generally utilized as a mechanism for classification. In modern history, skin color has been used to classify people and to imply that there are distinct biologic differences within populations [134]. Historically, the census in the United States defined race according to ancestry and blood quantum; today, it is based on self-classification [134]. However, some assert that race is socially constructed, without any biologic component [189]. For example, racial characteristics are also assigned differential power and privilege, lending to different statuses among groups [181].

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  5. Some theorists argue that ethnic minority immigrants adapt by assimilating. Assimilation is defined as

    OVERVIEW OF KEY CONCEPTS

    Acculturation refers to a dynamic process that involves cultural change triggered when two cultural groups come in direct contact [4,9,19]. For example, when immigrants come to the host country, they may adapt to the values, behaviors, and belief systems of the dominant group. According to Berry, ethnic minority immigrants culturally adapt utilizing one of four different strategies: integration, assimilation, separation, or marginalization [19]. An individual can opt to integrate, adopting part of the values, beliefs, and behaviors of the dominant culture while retaining his/her own cultural identity [4]. Assimilation, on the other hand, is defined as an individual choosing to abandon his/her own cultural identity in favor of completely incorporating the value systems of the dominant culture. An individual can select to separate completely from the dominant culture and decide not to adopt any of the cultural values of the dominant culture. This is known as cultural assimilation [251]. The other dimension of assimilation is structural, specifically the process by which immigrants become fully integrated and incorporated into the host country's social institutions [251]. Finally, an immigrant can be marginalized, a process by which he/she loses both his/her cultural identity as well as that of the dominant culture. When this is the case, alienation and isolation ensues [4,19].

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  6. What is the primary incentive for labor migrants to immigrate?

    ASIAN IMMIGRANT SUBGROUPS: DIVERSITY IN IMMIGRATION HISTORY

    The first classification of immigrants is labor migrants [141]. This group comprises both legal and undocumented immigrants. Their primary motivation for coming to the United States is to earn higher wages compared to the wages available in their homeland [141]. When they arrive in the United States, labor migrants find themselves in low-wage jobs. Many eventually return home because the wages they earn in the United States go further in their homelands both in tangible (e.g., purchasing power) and intangible (e.g., social respectability) terms [141]. Again, despite popular notions that manual labor immigration is a one-way flow of immigrants who are motivated primarily to escape poverty, this phenomenon is actually a two-way process involving both employers and laborers who have specific sets of labor expectations [141].

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  7. Which is NOT one of the Filipino subgroups?

    ASIAN IMMIGRANT SUBGROUPS: DIVERSITY IN IMMIGRATION HISTORY

    In 2016, Filipinos made up about 4% of the immigration population in the United States, numbering 1.9 million and residing primarily in California [288]. They, too, are a very diverse group. Approximately half of Filipino immigrants have a college degree, which is higher than the rate for all immigrants in the United States (30%) and of those born in the country (32%) [288]. The three main Filipino cultural subgroups are Tagalogs, Ilocanos, and Visayans, and their diversity reflects their immigration patterns [180].

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  8. Third-generation Japanese Americans are

    ASIAN IMMIGRANT SUBGROUPS: DIVERSITY IN IMMIGRATION HISTORY

    The Japanese have coined terms to describe different generations. Issei are first generation immigrants, the majority of which having immigrated between 1870 and 1924. Most Issei are not very acculturated or assimilated into the United States, preferring to let their American-born children become more acculturated [94]. Nisei are the American-born children of the Issei, born between 1910 and 1924, making them now senior citizens [94]. This group experienced tremendous discrimination and prejudice growing up in the United States. Sansei are the third generation, or children of the Nisei. With each generation, they become more acculturated, and each generation becomes more assimilated to the norms of the region in which they were raised [94].

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  9. What is the name of the language and dominant ethnic group in Cambodia?

    ASIAN IMMIGRANT SUBGROUPS: DIVERSITY IN IMMIGRATION HISTORY

    Cambodia is a country nestled between Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam. The term "Khmer" refers to the language and the dominant ethnic group in Cambodia [7]. Cambodia was deeply affected by U.S. military assistance to South Vietnam. Covert bombings in the Eastern part of their country with the purpose of destroying communist supply routes and camps resulted in many deaths and left many Cambodians homeless [7]. In 1975, after the fall of Saigon in Vietnam, the Cambodian government fell into the hands of the Khmer Rouge, a communist regime led by Pol Pot [7]. Between 1975 and 1979, Pol Pot led the country by use of force, intimidation, persecution, and torture. Using Maoist principles, Pol Pot placed the Khmers under forced labor [121]. Pol Pot wanted to purge the country of individuals perceived to be enemies (e.g., those who were influenced by Western norms, including former government officials, intellectuals, doctors, professionals, artists, dancers, members of the royal family, and Buddhist monks) [121]. Those who were not instantly killed were sent to forced labor camps, where they experienced hunger, torture, beatings, and indescribable inhumanities [121]. It is estimated that approximately two million Cambodians, mostly from the wealthy and/or educated classes, died during this period [7].

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  10. Which of the following Asian American subgroups is one of the largest groups to obtain H-1B temporary visas?

    ASIAN IMMIGRANT SUBGROUPS: DIVERSITY IN IMMIGRATION HISTORY

    As of 2016, Asian Indians are the third largest Asian American group in the United States, with a population of 4.1 million [275]. The majority (54%) are relatively recent immigrants, having come to the United States between 1990 and 2000. Today, Asian Indians are one of the largest groups to obtain H-1B temporary visas, which allow employers to hire workers from outside the country to enter the United States for highly skilled and specialized jobs [311]. In 2015, 77% of Asian Indian immigrants 25 years of age and older had a Bachelor's degree or higher [311].

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  11. Which of the following statements regarding alcohol consumption in Asian cultures is NOT true?

    MENTAL HEALTH AND PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY

    The lifetime alcohol use rate is 85% among the general U.S. population [115]. When comparing Asian American groups, Japanese Americans have the highest alcohol usage, while Chinese Americans have the lowest [186]. In a study conducted in California in the 1990s, 69% of Japanese Americans, 49% of Korean Americans, 38% of Filipino Americans, 36% of Vietnamese Americans, and 25% of Chinese Americans reported consuming 10 or more drinks in their lifetime [186]. In general, Asian men tend to use alcohol more than women. In a study of Filipino Americans conducted by Lubben, Chi, and Kitano including 145 men and 85 women in Los Angeles, 80% of men were found to be heavy drinkers, while 50% of the women tended to be abstainers [111]. The researchers concluded that these gender differences stemmed from traditional gender roles, which prescribe drinking as more socially acceptable among men.

    However, research conducted with college populations differs. In a 2006 study, consisting of 248 Asian American college students attending an Asian American and Pacific Islander leadership conference, lifetime alcohol usage prevalence was 94.5% [205]. For the past 30 days, the prevalence rate was 78.6%. The lifetime prevalence rate for illicit drug use was 37%, with a past 30 day usage rate of 9.5% [205]. In a 2014 study with 258 Asian American college students, 17.7% men and 8.9% women were found to have alcohol use disorders [298]. In general, Chinese and Vietnamese male college students were more likely to have alcohol problems than their female counterparts, but this trend was reversed among Korean students (33% of women and 11% of men) [298].

    Traditionally, Western Europe and North America have had higher alcohol consumption rates compared to Asia, but alcohol consumption rates in Asian countries are becoming more comparable to Western countries [206]. A telephone survey in Hong Kong with a random sampling of 9,860 Chinese adults found that among adult men, 14.4% were classified as binge drinkers, 5.3% abused alcohol, and 2.3% were alcohol dependent [206]. Among women, the figures were much lower. The survey determined that 3.6% of female participants were binge drinkers, 1.4% abused alcohol, and 0.7% were dependent on alcohol.

    Level of acculturation also appears to play a role in alcohol and substance abuse among Asian Americans. In one meta-analysis, level of acculturation predicted alcohol use [316]. It appears that higher levels of acculturation are associated with higher levels of drinking. Some speculate that as immigrants become more acculturated, they are more influenced by norms in the United States that emphasize individualism and self-expression. Enculturation, or the adherence to traditional Asian norms and lifestyle, appears to be protective against problematic alcohol use [316]. The extended family system becomes less of a primary focus [156]. In a study by Hahm, Lahiff, and Guterman using a dataset from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health including 714 Asian American adolescents, they found that Asian American adolescents who were more acculturated were more likely to binge drink [67]. However, the pathway is not as simple or linear. Their study showed that peer association with drinking mediated this relationship. In other words, if their best friend used alcohol and tobacco, then the relationship between acculturation and drinking no longer existed. Researchers in this study concluded that acculturation did not necessarily lead to or cause drinking as there are some complex social processes regarding group norms [67]. Even this factor may not be uniformly applied to all Asian subgroups. For example, Hendershot, Dillworth, Neighbors, and George found there was a relationship between acculturation and alcohol drinking behavior among Korean young adults but acculturation was negligibly related to Chinese young adults' drinking behaviors [258].

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  12. It has been speculated that 12-step programs may not be culturally congruent with Asian value systems. A model that may be more appropriate, according to Ja and Yuen, would incorporate

    MENTAL HEALTH AND PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY

    Ja and Yuen advocate for culturally sensitive treatment for Asian substance users [104]. For example, 12-step programs have been tremendously beneficial for many; however, their emphasis on public disclosure and acknowledgment of a substance abuse problem is not culturally congruent with Asian values of emotional inhibition and privacy issues [104]. They argue for a model that incorporates the following factors into the delivery of substance abuse treatment and services: a one-stop service center, involvement of the family, accessibility of nonstigmatized services, and extensive contact with the client's/patient's support network [104].

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  13. The meanings of terminologies are influenced by culture. For example, in Korean, the term "alcoholism" is literally translated as

    MENTAL HEALTH AND PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY

    In Western societies such as the United States, alcoholism is viewed primarily as a disease. However, it is not clear how other cultures view alcoholism. It is possible that alcoholism can be viewed as a culturally specific disease, meaning that the concept of "alcoholism" may emerge in different forms in different societies [34]. Even the terms used and their definitions will influence conceptions of illness. In Korean, the term for alcoholism literally means "being poisoned by alcohol" [34]. The word "poison" is obviously biased and will, therefore, influence conceptions of alcoholism among Koreans. In Cho and Faulkner's study, they compared conceptions of alcoholism among Koreans and white Americans [34]. Their findings showed that both samples viewed alcoholism as a disease, although the proportion of Koreans defining alcoholism as a disease was lower than that of white Americans. Using a vignette describing a Korean man with behaviors from the Michigan Alcoholism Screening Test (MAST), nearly all of the Americans stated the man in the vignette was an alcoholic, but only three-quarters of the Korean sample came to the same conclusion. Finally, Americans in the sample were more likely to attribute interpersonal and other social problems (e.g., family problems) as consequences of alcoholism while the Koreans did not. According to Cho and Faulkner, in Korean language there are two terms for "alcoholic" [34]. One means heavy drinker, but these individuals behave well and do not cause any troubles. There is another term for those who drink heavily and engage in negative behaviors.

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  14. Which of the following statements regarding Western and Eastern philosophies in relation to illnesses is TRUE?

    MENTAL HEALTH AND PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY

    Overall cultural schemas about the mind-body, health/mental health, and religion affect clinical experiences. In Western societies, there is an emphasis on the demarcation or dichotomy between the mind and body. This dichotomy stems from philosophical beliefs about knowledge acquisition. Western societies emphasize the use of rationalism—reason, measurement, and standardization—in order to obtain knowledge. Descartes, for example, focused on distinguishing mind from matter [50]. However, this is in direct opposition to Eastern cultures, in which rationality is viewed as illusory [50]. The yin/yang theory, a common Eastern belief system, captures a holistic systems view that the whole cannot be reduced into parts as the component parts are interrelated to the whole [50]. Similarly, in Asian Indian culture, Ayurveda, a Hindu science about health and longevity, argues that well-being also rests on balance of three major humors: bile, wind, and phlegm [264]. Consequently, in Western societies, feeling "sad," "depressed," "anxious," or "stressed" may be discussed, and a nonphysical cause is linked to these emotional states [9]. However, in other cultures, there is no distinction between the psychological and the physical [9]. Furthermore, psychiatric explanations in Western societies are divorced from religion, spirituality, and ethics. Again, this is not the case in Eastern traditions [50].

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  15. When considering post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in Asian Americans, which of the following factors should be examined?

    MENTAL HEALTH AND PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY

    The DSM is the most commonly used reference to define and establish psychiatric disorders. However, one of the major questions about the DSM is whether its diagnostic categories are valid across cultures [31]. PTSD as a diagnostic category, for example, has been quite controversial. In part, this stems from measurement issues. In order to accurately capture the amount of stress experienced, it is first necessary to inquire regarding the culturally appropriate traumatic precipitators. Terheggen, Stroebe, and Kleber, for example, noted that in Tibet, the destruction of temples and other religious symbols were regarded as extremely traumatic [165]. It would be necessary to inquire about these events in order to fully capture the traumatic stress experienced. Another aspect of the controversy regarding PTSD as a valid cross-cultural category revolves around how symptoms are displayed within cultures. Guilt, for example, is characteristic of survivors of trauma; yet, in many Asian cultures, shame is expressed rather than guilt. In the Tibetan language, for example, there is no word for guilt. Furthermore, somatic symptoms are also more frequently exhibited in Asian cultures. In Terheggen, Stroebe, and Kleber's study, Tibetans were more likely to endorse the somatically phrased items for depression and anxiety as opposed to psychologically phrased question items for these symptoms [165]. An earlier study conducted by Matkin, Nickles, and Demos found some evidence to suggest that at least some PTSD diagnostic criteria appear to have cross-cultural validity with Cambodians, who tended to manifest more somatic symptoms than some of the other PTSD criteria, such as flashbacks, hypervigilance, and emotional attachment [117]. Similarly, Vietnamese refugees expressed more somatic presentations of PTSD as opposed to the general symptoms typically associated with the disorder [117]. This controversy continues, and it raises questions about the applicability of all DSM-defined entities in all cultural contexts.

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  16. Which of the following is NOT a culture-bound syndrome?

    MENTAL HEALTH AND PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY

    Neurasthenia or shenjing shuairuo is a widely used diagnosis in China; the core symptoms include headaches, dizziness, and insomnia [95]. It has been noted that depression is less prevalent in Chinese society compared to Western societies. It is plausible that the diagnostic category of major depression or dysthymia as defined by the DSM is expressed differently in China. Kleinman argues that, in China, the core set of symptoms relating to depression are somatic, unlike in Western societies, where the symptoms of depression are affective, such as sadness or dysphoria [95]. This presentation of somatic symptoms is more culturally congruent to Chinese cultural values, which emphasize organic causation of psychologic problems as well as the cultural focus on inhibition of emotions [162]. Therefore, when the criterion for neurasthenia is utilized, it is possible that it is being diagnosed instead of depression [95]. In Japan, neurasthenia is known as shinkeisui-jaku, which means nervous disposition; patients with this condition are prescribed rest, nutrition therapy, and lifestyle changes, as well as medication [213]. In Vietnam, individuals with symptoms of general anxiety disorder often present with neurasthenia [327]. A diagnosis of neurasthenia gives legitimization to their experience, but the focus on physical symptoms reduces the stigma of mental illness [327]. It is argued that a diagnosis of neurasthenia is less stigmatizing and more acceptable to patients and their family members. However, some Western mental health professionals believe that neurasthenia as a diagnosis could minimize the existence of more serious psychiatric disorders [213].

    Another cultural bound syndrome is taijin kyofusho. In Western societies, social phobia as defined by the DSM-5 is an anxiety disorder that causes an individual to avoid social or performance situations in which embarrassment might occur [8]. Similar to social phobia, in which an individual develops a persistent fear of social situations, in Korea and Japan taijin kyofusho stems from a fear of giving offense to someone versus fear of embarrassing oneself [9]. There have been some studies that have shown that taijin kyofusho exists outside of Japan and Korea, including in the United States, which then raises the question of whether or not this syndrome is culturally bound (or to what degree) [303]. The individual with taijin kyofusho is concerned that one's appearance and actions during social interactions will offend someone [8,9]. It is believed that there are two subtypes of taijin kyofusho: sensitive type, which falls under the general category of social anxiety disorder, and another offensive type, which is characterized by quasi-delusions [214]. These delusions include the beliefs that the individual has a specific bodily defect, that the individual may harm another person by his/her physical characteristics, or that others are avoiding him/her [215]. A clinical study has found that fluvoxamine, a medication for social anxiety disorders, was effective for this disorder [214].

    In several Asian countries, including Japan and Korea, a disorder called hikikomori has emerged. Some regard it as a modern-type of reclusive depression, precipitated by a shift from collectivistic to more individualistic value systems [266]. It generally affects those born after the 1970s and occurs mainly while one is at work. It is unclear whether this is syndrome specific to Asia [266]. In India, dhat is a culture-bound syndrome that refers to severe anxiety or hypochondria-like concerns about excessive discharge of semen or whitish color urine. Dhat has been classified as a culture-bound anxiety state, a symptom of depression, and hypochondriacal neurosis [216]. Other symptoms include physical exhaustion, sleeplessness, and palpitations [9,216]. Many Indians believe the condition is the result of masturbation or sex outside of marriage [216,267]. There is some controversy over whether dhat is truly a culture-bound disorder of depression and whether it occurs in other countries/cultures [304,305].

    In Korea, there is a condition called hwa-byung, characterized by symptoms including pain in the upper abdomen, an intense fear of death, exhaustion, depressed affect, indigestion, aches and pains, and palpitations. The Koreans attribute this disorder to anger suppression [9,328,329]. Because Asian values emphasize harmony in interpersonal relationships, it is believed that anger is suppressed, and this condition may be a passive vehicle for exhibiting the anger [217]. It appears to occur more often among Korean women and those from lower socioeconomic and educational backgrounds, and external stressors (e.g., marital conflict, and difficulties with mother-in-law) are risk factors [306,328]. Prevalence rates for hwa-byung range from 4.2% to 13.3% [329].

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  17. Why do Asian immigrant families tend to be reluctant to seek outside help for psychiatric problems?

    MENTAL HEALTH AND PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITY

    Understanding individuals' patterns of help-seeking also provides a window to understanding attitudes toward mental health and the role of cultural schemas. Asking for either formal or informal assistance implies different meanings in different cultures. Although Western societies pride themselves on individualism and self-sufficiency, there is also less of a stigma in obtaining psychological or therapeutic help. Particularly in the United States, obtaining counseling or therapy is viewed positively, as it is regarded as a mechanism to promote insight and personal growth. However, in many Asian cultures, emotional and psychological problems are in part attributed to bad luck, misfortunes from displeased ancestors, and/or a lack of personal willpower, self-control, or maturity [167]. Furthermore, personal problems are viewed as private and are not to be expressed to outsiders; these problems should be kept within the family. This ultimately serves to prevent loss of face not only for the individual experiencing the problem, but for the entire family system [104]. Religious beliefs about fate, acceptance, and perseverance can also impede Asian immigrants from seeking formal assistance. Help-seeking is very complicated, as there are a host of variables that can affect the process.

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  18. Which of the following statements regarding diabetes in Asian Americans and Asian immigrants is TRUE?

    HEALTH ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES

    Over the last decade, diabetes and the issue of obesity, particularly among children, have been much publicized in educational awareness campaigns. In general, Asian Americans and immigrants tend to have lower body mass indexes (BMIs); therefore, one might speculate that this population has lower rates of diabetes and obesity. Although prevalence data for this group is limited, some subgroups, such as Native Hawaiians and Japanese Americans, are two times more likely to have diabetes compared with their white counterparts [272]. In a study by Choi, findings indicated that among Chinese Americans the prevalence of diabetes was estimated to be between 12% and 21% [51]. Among Cambodian refugees, the rate of diabetes is more than twice the national average (27.6% vs. 12.4%) [334]. In the Asian Indian population in the United States, type 2 diabetes prevalence rates range from 17.4% to 29% [335].

    According to the Racial and Ethnic Approaches to Community Health (REACH) Risk Factor Survey data, the prevalence of diabetes is 19% among Asian Indians, 10.8% among Koreans, and 9.3% among Chinese [41]. In general, Asian Americans have poor diabetes management practices compared to other groups (e.g., less likely to do weekly self-glucose checks). Korean Americans were less likely to have had a physical exam within the last year compared with Chinese and Asian Indian Americans [41].

    There also seems to be an intergenerational effect of diabetes. Second- and third-generation Japanese Americans, for example, have higher prevalence of diabetes compared with their counterparts residing in Japan [75]. It is possible that as immigrants become more westernized they also adopt a more sedentary lifestyle and consume foods higher in fat [75]. In a study using data from the National Health Interview Survey, researchers found that Asian Indians in the United States had lower BMIs than non-Hispanic whites, but that they were also less physically active [220]. However, Asian Indians have a higher likelihood of becoming diabetic despite their lower rates of obesity compared to their non-Hispanic white counterparts [220].

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  19. Which of the following statements regarding tuberculosis (TB) and Asian immigrants is TRUE?

    HEALTH ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES

    According to the CDC, there were 9,093 new cases of active TB in the United States in 2017 [338]. Although it is on the decline among U.S.-born individuals, it is a highly common disease among foreign-born immigrants, whose rate of TB is 15 times higher than those born in the United States [338]. Foreign-born Asians in the United States have the highest incidence of TB compared with other immigrant groups [338]. In 2014, the TB rate among Asians in the United States was 28.5 times higher than the rate in non-Hispanic whites [58].

    In 2010, 80% of TB cases in New York City were among foreign-born individuals [76]. Among this group, the top 10 countries of origin were all located in South Asia [76]. This is also the case in Los Angeles and Orange Counties, California, where there is a high proportion of Vietnamese population, a recent immigrant group. Consistent with national statistics, TB among foreign-born Vietnamese settled in this area has increased [77]. TB among newly-arrived Asians is higher compared to U.S.-born Asians. However, Vietnamese individuals in California had TB at a rate 100 times higher compared to the overall nation and had the highest case rate compared to Koreans, Chinese, and Filipinos [77]. They are at great risk of infecting others and exacerbating their condition, as they are more likely to utilize traditional forms of healing. It is only when traditional healing practices fail that they will resort to Western medical treatment [77].

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  20. Which of the following statements regarding cancer in Asian communities is NOT true?

    HEALTH ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES

    Cancer is a dreaded disease regardless of an individual's cultural background. However, culture does shape the meaning of the diagnosis, help-seeking patterns, and coping strategies. In general, Asian Americans have the lowest rate of cancers compared to other racial groups. However, it remains the leading cause of death for this group in part due to disparities in seeking preventive care [280]. In 2016, there were 57,740 new cancer cases among Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders in the United States [344]. Asian and Pacific Islander men are 40% less likely to have prostate cancer but more likely than their non-Hispanic white counterparts to have stomach cancer [230]. This group also has a high incidence of liver cancer. Among Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, and Vietnamese groups, liver cancer rates are 1.7 to 11.3 times higher than among white Americans [91]. Liver cancer accounted for 22% of cancer deaths among Vietnamese-American men [345]. In the Filipino community, colorectal cancer is the leading cause of cancer death. Mortality rates from liver and stomach cancers are also high in this population [346]. Hmong have the highest cancer rates even compared with their Asian American counterparts; specifically, they have the highest incidence of cancers of the liver, stomach, pancreas, and nasopharynx compared to all races [281]. This trend was reproduced in a study that compared adjusted cancer rates for Hmong residents of Minnesota to the general population in Minnesota [347].

    In general, Asian American women are more likely to survive cervical cancer compared with their white counterparts, with the exception of Korean and Japanese American women [348]. However, Asian American women tend to avoid screenings and be diagnosed at an older age. Possible barriers to help seeking include low English proficiency, preference for health providers from the same ethnic group, adherence to a cultural value of modesty, and a general mistrust of Western health systems [281].

    Overall, Asian and Pacific Islander women are 30% less likely to have breast cancer than non-Hispanic white women [230]. Between 2002 and 2011, the mortality rate for breast cancer declined by 1.6% for Asian American/Pacific Islander women [105]. However, breast cancer cases among Asian Americans appear to be increasing. A landmark study of Asian Americans in California found that Asian American women (except Japanese women) had experienced an increase in breast cancer diagnoses, with Korean women experiencing the largest increase [349]. Breast cancer also accounts for about 19.5% of all cancer deaths among Asian Indian women and Filipino women [345].

    According to the National Healthcare Disparities Report, 54% of Asian and Pacific Islander women older than 40 years of age have had a mammogram within the last two years, which is lower than the rate among non-Hispanic white women (68.4%) [231]. In a study of 196 Korean American women, 54% had obtained a mammogram in the past two years. Women who reported knowing where to get a mammogram, having a regular doctor, and greater trust in healthcare providers and healthcare system were more likely to adhere to breast cancer screening recommendations [350]. In a study of Asian American college women, women who were sexually active were nine times more likely to have had a clinical breast examination than non-sexually experienced women [232]. The researchers speculate that Asian college women who are sexually active are more likely to visit a gynecologist and therefore will receive such screenings. In addition, culturally appropriate education material about mammograms should be developed and should target Asian women and their spouses and family members, who can be influential in supporting healthy behaviors [107].

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  21. Which of the following is a common theme that underlies many different cultural beliefs regarding health and illness?

    HEALTH ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES

    In holistic traditions, ideas about health and illness are based on the concept of the whole and how interdependent parts (e.g., physical, mental, spiritual, emotional) fit together to play a role in health [283]. "Energies" that work together to either achieve balance or disharmony fall into this holistic domain. The Chinese conceptualization of sickness is rooted in the principles of yin and yang, unlike Western conceptualizations of illness that are rooted in germ theory [164]. In addition to yin/yang, traditional Chinese medicine is concerned with the concept of qi, the basis of mind/body energy and activity within the body [174]. According to traditional beliefs, a lack of balance in an individual's yin/yang and flow of qi results in illness [174]. In Chinese tradition, qigong healing is utilized to establish balance and harmony; this involves techniques with breathing and movement to consciously control the flow of energies [182]. This, along with herbs and acupuncture, is one of the major components of traditional Chinese medicine [182]. Another factor is the concept of hot and cold elements in the body. Examples of "hot" illnesses include fever and joint pain, and "cold" illnesses include dysmenorrhea and diarrhea [164]. Furthermore, physical health is linked to social relationships [351].

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  22. "Desi ways" are traditional health practices associated with

    HEALTH ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES

    Just as health is not compartmentalized, neither is treatment. Asian Indians see treatment as a daily part of life, integrating holistic and traditional practices [72]. These traditional health practices are called "desi ways," passed down from one generation of women to another [72]. Desi ways are traditional health practices of the country of origin, and they include use of Ayurveda practitioners, various herbs, homeopathy, naturopathy, and spiritual rituals [72]. Desi ways are not employed exclusively, but are often used in conjunction with Western treatment [72].

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  23. The biomedical model

    HEALTH ISSUES IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN AND IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES

    Scientific tradition focuses on empiricism and objectivity as the basis of health beliefs [283]. The biomedical perspective that dominates much of the health practices of Western medicine falls in this category. It does not take into account diversity and culture and its effect on illness. The biomedical perspective advocates the disease model, which focuses on biologic dysfunction and symptoms [177]. The physician handles the care of the client/patient and legitimizes that the disease is present [177]. This Western biomedical model has been criticized as not being sufficiently patient-centered—it may result in the patient being objectified and reduced to a set of symptoms, and it may not take into account the environmental, social, cultural, and religious factors that influence health [351].

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  24. Which of the following is a typical characteristic of communication in high-context cultures?

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PRACTICE ISSUES

    Communicators from high-context cultures generally display the following characteristics [33,132,237]:

    • Use of indirect modes of communication

    • Use of vague descriptions

    • Less talk and less eye contact

    • Interpersonal sensitivity

    • Use of feelings to facilitate behavior

    • Assumed recollection of shared experiences

    • Reliance on nonverbal cues such as gestures, tone of voice, posture, voice level, rhythm of speaking, emotions, and pace and timing of speech

    • Assimilation of the "whole" picture, including visual and auditory cues

    • Emotional speech

    • Use of silence

    • Use of more formal language, emphasizing hierarchy between parties

    On the other hand, low-context communicators can typically be described as [33,132]:

    • Employing direct patterns of communication

    • Using explicit descriptions and terms

    • Assuming meanings are described explicitly

    • Utilizing and relying minimally on nonverbal cues

    • Speaking more and often raising their voices (more animated, dramatic)

    • Often being impatient to get to the point of the discussion

    • Using more informal language; less emphasis on hierarchy, more equality between parties (more friendly)

    • Being more comfortable with fluidness and change

    • Uncomfortable using long pauses and storytelling as a means of communicating

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  25. In Asian cultures, avoiding eye contact with a health or mental health practitioner is a signal of

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PRACTICE ISSUES

    In Western culture, communication is more direct and eye contact is highly valued. When eye contact is not maintained, many Westerners assume that the party is hiding pertinent information. However, in some cultures, including Asian cultures, reducing eye contact is a sign of respect [17]. In Asian culture, the practitioner is viewed as an authority figure, and avoiding eye contact is a symbol of respect, not dishonesty or lack of confidence [36]. Conversely, clients may interpret direct and indirect gazes differently. For example, in one study, Japanese individuals tended to rate faces with a direct gaze as angry and less pleasant compared with Finnish participants [118].

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  26. Which of the following is an attribute of client/patient-centered practice?

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PRACTICE ISSUES

    Practitioners may be categorized as either disease-centric or client/patient-centric [31]. Disease-centered practitioners are concerned with sign/symptom observation and, ultimately, diagnosis. On the other hand, client/patient-centered practitioners focus more on the client's/patient's experience of the illness, subjective descriptions, and personal beliefs [31]. Client/patient-centered practice involves culturally sensitive assessment. It allows practitioners to move assessment and practice away from a pathology-oriented model and instead acknowledge the complex transactions of the individual's movement within, among, and between various systems [25].

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  27. According to Panos and Panos' model, which of the following is NOT a domain of the culturally sensitive assessment?

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PRACTICE ISSUES

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE ASSESSMENT DOMAINS

    Domain 1: Self-Awareness of One's Own Cultural Identity

    • What are the practitioner's biases from his or her cultural background?

    • How are the practitioner's own cultural values different from and/or similar to that of the client/patient?

    • What are the dominant culture's values and belief systems?

    Domain 2: Assessing the Client's/Patient's Cultural Orientation, Belief Systems, Level of Acculturation, and Language Preference

    • How acculturated is the client/patient? (There is great diversity within ethnic groups, and the length of time the client/patient has lived in the United States will influence his/her belief systems.)

    • To what extent does the client/patient navigate between the norms of the dominant culture and those of his or her own culture?

    • What is the client's/patient's language preference when communicating with medical professionals?

    Domain 3: Assessing Stress and Functioning

    • What are the different adjustments and transitions the client/patient is coping with in the United States?

    • How are these transitions affecting emotional and physical health?

    Domain 4: Assessing Client's/Patient's Family Relationships and Support Systems

    • How do cultural values and belief systems influence the client's/patient's family system or kin network?

    • What is the structure of the traditional family system within the client's/patient's culture?

    • Who has the power in the family? Who makes the primary decisions?

    • What gender roles exist within the client's/patient's culture? How are women regarded compared to men?

    • What are the client's/patient's social support systems?

    Domain 5: Assessing Client's/Patient's Views and Concepts of Health and Illness

    • How does the client/patient define illness? How is health defined?

    • What are the client's/patient's beliefs about the cause of illness?

    • How does the client/patient describe the symptoms?

    • Where does the client/patient go for healing? Where does his/her family traditionally go for healing?

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  28. The informed consent process is based on

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PRACTICE ISSUES

    Autonomy, individualism, and self-determination are values that are highly important in Western societies, especially in the United States. Autonomy may be organized into two categories: first-order autonomy and second-order autonomy [69]. First-order autonomy is what is espoused and valued in Western cultures: self-determination and autonomy in decision-making. Second-order autonomy, however, is prevalent in collectivistic societies where decision-making is group-oriented and takes into account another decision-maker who is accorded authority and respect [69]. In many Asian cultures, particularly if the family system is based on a patriarchal authority system, a male elder or male family head who is regarded as the primary decision-maker is key in this process of informed consent. Therefore, the Western ideal of autonomy will have different connotations in cultures in which paternalism is valued [240].

    As described, the process of informed consent entails the explicit communication of information in order for the individual to make a decision. Again, Western cultures value explicit information, which is centered on American consumerism; believing in having choices and being able to exercise choices in purchases extends to health care. Western values also support the idea that the more information given is better. Therefore, there are underlying dominant norms about the amount and content of information as well as how it is conveyed [241,242]. Some cultures, for example, believe that language and information also shape reality [30]. In other words, explicit information, particularly if it is bad information, will affect the course of reality. The Japanese, for example, believe that it is important not to discuss terminal illnesses and death and dying. The Chinese believe that discussing illnesses will bring about bad fortune and bad luck, and such discussions ensure that illness will inevitably occur [120,185]. For some Asian patients, a direct statement conveying bad news (e.g., a very poor prognosis) may be construed as rude. Instead, a more indirect way using euphemisms is preferred. Yet, for many Americans, this would not be acceptable [241,242].

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  29. Which interpreter model employs the use of some technology that does not require an actual individual interpreting the information?

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PRACTICE ISSUES

    The tele-active model employs a telephone program whereby the client/patient selects from a menu offering different languages/dialect. There is no human interaction, and it is often used after hours, when an interpreter is not on site. There are also national organizations that provide interpreting services via phone to any provider at any geographic location. Handsets are installed in the rooms so a healthcare professional can use one handset and the client/patient can use another. An interpreter is on the line from another location, interpreting in real time [245]. There is now software that can ask initial questions in the client's/patient's language, then connect the provider and client/patient to an interpreter via the telephone [246].

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  30. When working with an interpreter,

    CULTURALLY SENSITIVE PRACTICE ISSUES

    A briefing time between the practitioner and interpreter held prior to the meeting with the client/patient is crucial. The interpreter should understand the goal of the session, issues that will be discussed, specific terminology that may be used to allow for advance preparation, preferred translation formats, and sensitive topics that might arise [33,104,147]. It is important for the client/patient, interpreter, and practitioner to be seated in such a way that the practitioner can see both the interpreter and client/patient. Some experts recommend that the interpreter sit next to the client/patient, both parties facing the practitioner [70].

    The practitioner should always address the client/patient directly. For example, the practitioner should query the client/patient, "How do you feel?" versus asking the interpreter, "How does she feel?" [70]. The practitioner should also always refer to the client/patient as "Mr./Mrs. D" rather than "he" or "she" [104]. This avoids objectifying the client/patient. While these behavioral tips are important, the key is to always focus on the interaction, which is always dynamic, complex, and ever-changing [320].

    At the start of the session, the practitioner should clearly identify his/her role and the interpreter's role [104]. This will prevent the client/patient from developing a primary relationship or alliance with the interpreter, turning to the interpreter as the one who sets the intervention [33]. Conversely, practitioners should avoid having side conversations with the interpreter when the client/patient is present [225]. Practitioners should also discern any transference and countertransference issues between configurations of the triad [361].

    The practitioner should also be attuned to the age, gender, class, and/or ethnic differences between the client/patient and the interpreter [104]. For example, if the client/patient is an older Asian male immigrant and the interpreter is a young, Asian woman, the practitioner must be sensitive to whether the client/patient is uncomfortable given the fact he may be more accustomed to patriarchal authority structures. At the conclusion of the session, it is advisable to have a debriefing time between the practitioner and the interpreter to review the session [33,104,147]. Overall, it is important to remember that clients/patients are an integral component of the active triad [225].

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